Scotland Yes, England No.
Or
The
Devolution of Scotland?
After
300 some years an element of the Scots have succeeded in bringing to their
electorate a choice, one that they say they have never had before and that
choice is to decide whether it is better to be divorced from the Union that
comprises England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland (with other associated
realms that forms the British Isles) or remain within the core Union of it. The
Union here is one that was formed between England and Scotland by historical
adventures culminating in 1707. At the time and what being consistently
expressed now by the nationalist, is that no one alive from there on up to this
21st century has had a choice to revisit that momentous decision; to evaluate
the relevance or suitability of that Union for the Scotland of today. What is also
worthwhile noting is that the vast majority of the English also had absolutely
no choice in taking on the nation of Scots that jointly later became one of the
most successful peaceful and prosperous Unions in history, all for it to last
this length of time.
At
the time of the formation of the Union, after it must be said a disturbing time
of Scottish inter tribal warfare, over laid with the interest of landed clan chiefs
and English aristocracy participating in fights for controlling interest, the
Scots of peasant stock had little involvement in the formation of the Union but
in which most, importantly those in wealthy influential positions unwittingly
established the turmoil from which the Union was created. The Union was in
large measure brought about by the collapse of the Darien Scheme (1698) a grand
scheme designed and promoted by Scots for Scotland to establish a trading
colony in S. America – Panama, to circumvent the economic power exercised by
the English. For this Panama adventure, Scotland, in a period of famine and wide
distress, raised finance and created maniacal debt from a broad range of
private and civic capital, to hire ships and acquire resources to build and
sustain the purported colony. Within a decade the venture became a terrible
financial failure to the extent that Scotland was bankrupt and this led
directly to the senior Scottish investors seeking an absolution from insolvency
via the completion of the act of Union and also being bailed out and
recompensed by the English government. It
is fabulously argued by some now that the failure of the Darien misadventure
was propagated by the deliberate lack of support particularly of financial
investment from England and compounded by the inimical trading strength
controlled by the English, all engineered to cause such a failure of the hoped
for Scottish economic liberating enterprise.
As an interesting aside to note, that at the
time of the Union, the Royal bank of Scotland was formed to re-establish a
financial structure for Scotland wilfully destroyed in the Darien scheme and this
same bank had to be rescued during the CC of 2007/8 for partaking in excessive
financial exuberance; a re-run of what had created the Union in the first
place.
Since
the Union there has been a simmering dissent at the influence and centralist
power emanating from London and a resentment of the English ‘forced’ Union
marriage. For the recent two decades the dissent had been growing stimulated by
the antics of the Scottish National Party which has successfully lured its own
Scottish people to believe total independence can be reclaimed from the act of Union,
despite having already achieved many element of self determination powers via
its own parliament, with the enhancement of
the return of the stone of Scone (stone of destiny) taken from Scotland
in 1296 and returned in 1996 by the conservative government, this small act of
accession gave some measure of confidence to the nationalist and they have
since gone from strength to strength with the aid of increased devolved powers
started by the Blair administration. However it has to be acknowledged that a
great deal of preparatory damage was enacted by the policies of the Thatcher
government in the 70s that has so alienated the Scottish voters from any Tory
influence ever since.
So
this year on the 18th of September the Scots will go to the election boxes and
decide on a Union ‘in’ or ‘out’ vote, (No/Yes) a vote in which the English
again have no say in the matter. All the history and benefits are to be
reassessed and argued over. The risk and rewards are all subject to conjecture
yet there is clear evidence (desputed by SNP) that there is a huge unquantified
financial risk, totally disregarded by the SNP and its supporters. Throughout
the whole campaign the SNP have been unable to offer any clear answers to key
question being asked of it, all brushed aside with some degree of vitriolic
attitudes to counter that there are any risks and Scotland can be an
independent prosperous nation and freed from the shackles of an
unrepresentative politically exiled English government. The questions are all
well rehearsed in the media ranging from what will be the currency of use, what
will be its value, how much debt / deficit will have to be taken on from the
joint Union enterprise, who will own what, how will pension, health, state
assets, business, environmental, security, immigration, EU, NATO, be effected
and although the English have no say in the matter of ‘in or out’ the debates
ignore the fact that although the people of the north of England have been hit
harder by conservative centralist politics, to now have a population of 5m Scots
who are about to dictate effects on a population 65m, with most of them living
in the north of England, would seem inequitable.
There
is little doubt that the SNP want independence at any cost and have been
playing to the undercurrent of racist attitude that some Scots have long had for
the English. What they do not recognise is the divisive nature of the referendum
enterprise and the long term repercussions for both Scotland and England. As
such a deliberated choice of separation or Union has never been done before,
there is no obvious indication of which way a vote will go. There is a small
percentage margin on either side for a yes or no vote however anything less
than a conclusive decision will be for both Scots and English contentious;
either way the rump of the Union - England, Wales, N. Ireland etc will be
affected and eventually blamed for whatever miss fortune befalls Scotland after
the event of the 18th.
There
is of course a small chance the no’s will have it, which will give Scotland
considerably more self determination power but not total independence; the SNP,
in the long term, will not accept that, but it will take the additional powers
being promised. However for them a win of ‘yes’ by any margin will be a total win
regardless of the democratic and sociological damage it will cause.
Although
the English do not have a choice, the impact in the event of a ‘yes’ will be profound
and long lasting. In the event of full independence for Scotland, England could
not continue to accept a political landscape that does not also recognise the
need for some form of regional devolved powers. It will raise the issue of a
fractured economic system that allows the south to act as an independent
economic force. The continuing social disenfranchisement of the north,
repercussions of the forestalled Westlothian question, the inequality of the
Barnet formula which will continue to benefit Scotland for perhaps a full
parliament term beyond the 2017 date that SNP expects to gain overall
completion of devolution and a likely unfolding of an economic war of attrition,
one that neither ‘country’ can really afford; will all have to be addressed.
The financial markets and business will not tolerate the uncertainty that a
deferential currency or interest rate will cause and will play for cautious positions
putting pressure on the value of sterling. There is a lot to lose and little to
be gained by either nation.
There
are many arguments of what ifs and hindsight that have impacted on the Union
but it is abundantly obvious that history cannot be rewritten, yet to ignore
the shape of current world affairs and the whole dynamics of global pressures
which are of such a nature that the viability or not of one small nation acting
alone, can have little impact and influence on the wider geopolitical conflicts.
In
the event of a No, it is assumed by some of the Scots that the English
political ranks cannot be trusted to deliver on the addition devolved powers.
There is absolutely no doubt that the wide range of discussions expressed in
the devolution campaign will not mean business as usual after a No vote;
Scotland will get all that has been promised but also there has to be a
reassessment of the way regions are treated to give similar devolved powers; as
has been said on numerous occasions “there is no going back”
In
the event of a Yes, why should the English be magnanimous in the face of a
hostile devolutionary vote; to know that after a long mutually successful associated
history, to be now ignominiously discarded assumes that everything will be
sorted smoothly for the outright benefits of just 5m people at the expense of
the other 65m. Not to expect a social physiological backlash would be
foolhardy. Why should the pressurised finances of a reduced UK be favourable to
expenditure north of the border, invest into a ‘foreign’ country, why spend
ones disposable income in a country that chooses no longer to want you – the
English, yet all existing on the same land mass!
Conflicts have started on
divisiveness.
© Renot 2014
169141930
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