Will

Will isn’t here anymore? One should not be surprised that this theme ‘will’ can cover a vast range of subjects but it does apply to a stage of being that maybe explains the extraordinary scope of events that are shaping the direction of this culture. Picking on just one issue does not really provide any clarity as to the reason that one issue is the way it is and how it came about without drawing in the surrounding influences and then offer some assessment on the associated impact all those other issues have on any one other issue in particular. It, ‘will’ is relevant now and what is apparent with the continuing ‘discussions’ to deliver a marvellous brexit for a golden future, is a subject that is being very patently underplayed. Despite the expressed ‘will’ of the people in the referendum, one pertinent issue (immigration) that drove the brexit decision is not being given any serious attention too by any politic party. That the reason this issue is being obfuscated with easy words of understated apprehension, so clearly a major factor in the overall malfeasances presentations stated in the brexit debacle, which said absolutely nothing of serious intent, other than obvious flippancy to the illusive offer that brexit will be easy and immigration will be stopped or controlled. This elusiveness is due to the stance that both parties hold on the liberal interpretation they have for immigration. The Cons like it due to its affect on its suppression of controlled organised labour force, absolves the economy from training cost, feeds the flexible employment sectors and restrains overall labour cost. Labour like it for similar reason but are also enthralled to the idea of being more ‘liberal’, welcomingly a multicultural vision and although agree that it does suppress wages they don’t want to recognise the problem as an immigration crisis but rather one that is caused from resentment at the lack of good employment prospect and low wages for indigenous nationals. For decades all parties have deliberately ignored the uncomfortable social displacement taking place, the lack of clear adoptable integration, to language, custom etc and in some discrete areas a structured move to override existing social and legal norms. The growing angst should have been recognised in the rise of BNP, UKIP and English League but main parties chose not to engage. It was a constituency political ineptitude of all members of parliament masked by the need to be an adherent of the doctrine of “political correctness” and not acknowledge an increase of racial, immigration displacement intolerance; disparaging those that raised any apprehension of the issues not being addressed. It was a failing that played out in the “will of the people” in 2015; a dereliction of overall constituency awareness and of the changes taking place leading to a rejection of the comfortable superiority perception of parliamentary democracy, a salutary lesson with untold consequences to follow.

That there has always been a method of control to immigration that no party has chosen to act with, is symptomatic of the deceit perpetrated by the state that has no intention of controlling immigration to an absorbable limit. There has, since being in the EU the provision for European nationals to move freely but there is no requirement for non Europeans to have open access across all borders and it is this porosity which is of particular concern but which is also inconsistent with not to be seen as being racist or being culturally selective in whom is allowed into the EU and directly from there into the UK. As, for the past years and more so in being driven by conflicts and impoverished economies; much of the movement in people has been from outside the EU – Eastern Europe, Asia, Africa etc all of which has been the main source of people dislocations contention.

For the UK there are simply too many people getting into the country no matter how it is being (debatably) dressed up as being good for the economy and filling skilled or labour intensive jobs not taken by the indigenous population. It is apparent from the ineffective insinuation on how to control numbers, yet is studiously ignoring the most obvious migrant miscellany that stands out which illustrates the subject is too sensitive to openly lay out a cogent strategy that will limit numbers. One can conclude that on this one issue the people’s desire to have stringent control on numbers is to be ignored. There will be no substantial purposeful legislation to curtail immigration. Even restricting causative ‘pull’ factors to aid a reduction, will be very problematic due to the bargaining that will be done to elicit independent brexit UK trade deals from countries that rely on or encourage migration.

Over the past 5 years alone, some net 1.346m people have got  into the UK, with an existing 1m unknown illegal’s. In 2017 of the 244,000 individuals some 205k is attributed to non EU aliens (1) an overspill situation replicated in previous years. During that time No new matching accommodating infrastructures have been built, No comparable house numbers, schools or hospitals or social provisions; at a time of forced austerity on the UK economy. So how and where have the numbers been accommodated? There is also an estimate that over the past 10 years a total of some 5m immigrants have been drawn into the UK which has compounded the infrastructure tensions to date.

The intent to disregard all the above has suited three sectors of the economy; productive, service and finance, ably assisted by governments involvement actively colluding with the desire to make labour pliable, flexible and cheap thereby looking to have greater employer control in investment decisions against “restrictive practices”. For the UK to be a open to any investment, one party system has cause to be thankful for it, even though the billons of funding that have flowed into London are of dubious sources with the whiff of corruption loot being overcome by the stronger weight of ‘conditioner’ money laundered around, has not embarrassed the filtering of some of it into their own (or personal) coffers. This has bloated the price of the property market and with the lack of substantial volume of new build, has driven up the overall price of property and land. So, with the lack of compatible wage increases to maintain any semblance of affordability, higher cost moves property acquisition for new potential owners off or out of the market. Those already in the properly asset market have seen values raise markedly with the additional increase in a range of speculators surging into 2nd homes, multi buy-ins, vacant investment buys and a continuance of house builders practices to rig the market demand in their own favour, exacerbating the ongoing shortage in housing stock.   

Although mortgage providers have been forces to be more prudent in how and to whom they lend as a result of the Credit Crises, with the injection of £600bn QE into the finance sector they are desperate to move cash resource out to loans, with signs that they are manipulating for irresponsible lending again but the difficulty now is that with the drag of lowered real wages, newer entrances into property find it tricky to acquire a deposit or support a loan, a situation which is particular hard for a young generation. One additional complication with this is that with students who have accumulated an educational loan of 27K +, they are at an immediate disadvantage affecting the ability they, like others without an adequate deposit, are being unattractive to a lender, for this deficiency will be assessed as part of their outgoings from any income they may have to ascertain the lenders risk. Without a backstop guarantor or the bank of ‘mum & dad’ there is little chance of getting on the housing ‘ladder’ and it is shown up in the rapid rise in and cost of renting accommodation, a symptom of low unaffordable social housing provision.

Given the disconnecting decision to become a sovereign country freed from the yoke of the EU and the reality of just what that means in the face of the global changes in trade, finance, economies, environment and the impact with some nations instability pressurising undesirable migration; sovereignty without the power or resources to enact the real influence of sovereignty, is useless. Furthermore as the ‘will’ of the people after having done its job, has all the indications of being an uncertain, fraught and fiscally depleting decades to come, there will be no replay for a future generation from being ‘sovereign’, to enlist “the will of the people” again.

This entire dilemma on one issue is a disgraceful state of affairs and it is an endemic deliberate disregard of the debilitated state of the nation that is replicated across a range of issues. That there are a assortment of issue that do impinge on one another and have become entrenched due to political immorality, relaxed in their own cosseted decadence, ought not to be tolerate, but it is; as there is no wringing of hands in frustration against the call for “something must be done”.

The fact is there is no will to do anything dramatic by the Cons to address the creeping impoverishment for to do so it will cause discomfort to many lobbyist, asset holders, nimby’s and aspiring party supporting sycophants.

The problems with issues like the sample above are not irresolvable, there may raise irascible consequences in the attempt to do so but if there was a will, how much could be done?

Something must be done and it needs will to do so; for the moment;-

    

There is no will to really gain meaningful control of immigration.

There is no will to attack the housing crisis due to the long held anathema against social housing.

There is no will to reinforce UK social culture above that migrants introduced.

Will has no money now and will is unlikely to be allowed a decision on future deviant divergences.

© Renot

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(1) Migrationwatch.org